The Plumbers

After the Pentagon Papers came out, the White House set up a small unit to stop leaks. Three years later the President of the United States resigned.

Nearly every line here comes from the Special Prosecutor’s report, court opinions, Senate hearings and the White House tapes. A charge is an accusation, not a finding of guilt: where a court decided something, the story says which court and when.

1971

The Plumbers

In June 1971 The New York Times began printing the Pentagon Papers. Soon after, the White House set up a unit to stop leaks. Two of its men were E. Howard Hunt and G. Gordon Liddy.

the White House had established a special unit, nicknamed the “Plumbers,” to deter future leaks of classified material as well as to gather information on Ellsberg and Russo.
Federal Judicial Center, The Pentagon Papers in the Federal Courts. Primary record. Open the source

Sep 1971

The first break-in

In September 1971 the unit broke into the Los Angeles office of Daniel Ellsberg’s psychiatrist, looking for his records. Ellsberg was under indictment at the time.

a special investigative unit in the White House, known as the “Plumbers,” had been responsible for a break-in in September 1971 at the Los Angeles offices of Dr. Lewis Fielding
Watergate Special Prosecution Force, Report, 1975, p. 60. Primary record. Open the source

17 Jun 1972

Tape on a door

At 2:00 in the morning on 17 June 1972, police found five men in the Democratic National Committee’s offices at the Watergate, with walkie-talkies and burglary tools. One of them, James McCord, ran security for the President’s campaign.

the door had been taped with sort of a light colored masking tape.
Testimony to the Senate committee, 1973. Primary record. Open the source Archived copy

Jun 1972

The money

The burglars carried $100 bills with their serial numbers in sequence. The bills went back to a bank account in Miami, and that account held checks given to re-elect the President.

$25,000A check meant for the President's campaign, found in a burglar's bank account

four Mexican checks totaling $89,000 and a check for $25,000 from Kenneth Dahlberg, which were originally contributed to the President's campaign, had been deposited in Bernard Barker's bank account in Miami.
The Senate Watergate Report: the final report of the Senate Select Committee on Presidential Campaign Activities (Ervin Committee), Dell edition, vol. 1, Dell, reprinting the Committee's report as released to the press, 1974. Scholarship & press. Open the source

23 Jun 1972

Six days later

In the Oval Office, H. R. Haldeman told the President the FBI could trace the money, and how it could be stopped. A tape was running. The President’s answer: “Good. Good deal. Play it tough.”

They propose having the CIA ask the FBI to halt their investigation of the Watergate break-in by claiming that the break-in was a national security operation.
Nixon Presidential Library, on the tape of 23 June 1972. Primary record. Open the source

23 Mar 1973

A letter to the judge

The burglars pleaded guilty or were found guilty in January 1973. On 23 March, Chief Judge John Sirica read out a sealed letter from McCord. It said witnesses had lied at the trial and the defendants had been pressed to stay silent.

the letter charged that pressure had been exerted on the defendants to plead guilty and remain silent, that perjury had been committed during the Watergate trial
Senate Watergate Committee, final report, 1974. Scholarship & press. Open the source

25 Jun 1973

A cancer

The Senate opened public hearings in May 1973. John Dean, the President’s former counsel, testified that the President had known of the cover-up since September 1972.

I began by telling the President that there was a cancer growing on the Presidency and that if the cancer was not removed that the President himself would be killed by it.
John Dean to the Senate committee, June 1973. Primary record. Open the source

16 Jul 1973

The system

On 16 July 1973 a White House aide, Alexander Butterfield, told the committee that the President’s offices recorded everything. A week later the committee subpoenaed the tapes.

They were installed, of course, for historical purposes, to record the President's business and they were installed in his two offices, the Oval Office and the EOB office.
Alexander Butterfield to the Senate committee, 16 July 1973. Primary record. Open the source

20 Oct 1973

Saturday night

Special Prosecutor Archibald Cox refused the President’s terms for the tapes. The Attorney General resigned rather than dismiss him. His deputy refused and was fired. The third in line did it. A court later ruled the dismissal illegal.

16 hoursHow long FBI agents held the Special Prosecutor's offices

For approximately 16 hours, from 9:05 p.m., on October 20, 1973, to 12:47 p.m. on October 21, 1973 — agents of the Federal Bureau of Investigation occupied the offices of WSPF.
Watergate Special Prosecution Force Report, U.S. Government Printing Office (Superintendent of Documents). Primary record. Open the source

Nov 1973

The gap

One subpoenaed tape held a stretch of humming. The President’s secretary said she might have erased four or five minutes by accident. An expert panel found at least five separate erasures. Prosecutors could not find evidence enough to charge anyone.

concluded that the gap had been produced by at least five separate hand operations of the stop and record buttons of a Uher 5000 machine, the same model used by Woods in transcribing the tape.
Watergate Special Prosecution Force, Report, 1975, p. 53. Primary record. Open the source

24 Jul 1974

Eight to nothing

The President said the tapes were his to keep. On 24 July 1974 the Supreme Court ruled against him, with one justice taking no part. He had to hand them over.

The generalized assertion of privilege must yield to the demonstrated, specific need for evidence in a pending criminal trial.
U.S. Supreme Court, United States v. Nixon, 24 July 1974. Primary record. Open the source

30 Jul 1974

Three articles

Within days the House Judiciary Committee adopted three articles of impeachment: obstruction of justice, 27 to 11; abuse of power, 28 to 10; defying its subpoenas, 21 to 17. Two more failed.

27 to 11The House committee's vote on Article I of impeachment

The Committee then adopted Article I, as amended, by a vote of 27 to 11.
Deschler's Precedents of the U.S. House of Representatives, vol. 3, ch. 14 § 15: Impeachment Proceedings Against President Nixon (reprints H. Rept. 93-1305 and the articles), U.S. Government Publishing Office / House Parliamentarian, 1977. Primary record. Open the source

5 Aug 1974

The tape of June 23

On 5 August the President released the conversation from six days after the break-in, and said himself that it did not match what he had told the country.

This process has made it clear that portions of the tapes of these June 23 conversations are at variance with certain of my previous statements.
Richard Nixon, 5 August 1974. Scholarship & press. Open the source

8 Aug 1974

Noon tomorrow

Three days later he told the country he no longer had the support in Congress to go on. Gerald Ford took the oath the next day.

Therefore, I shall resign the Presidency effective at noon tomorrow.
Richard Nixon, address to the nation, 8 August 1974. Scholarship & press. Open the source

8 Sep 1974

The pardon

A month later Ford pardoned Nixon for all federal offenses he had committed or might have committed. Nixon was never tried.

Theirs is an American tragedy in which we all have played a part. It could go on and on and on, or someone must write the end to it.
Gerald R. Ford, 8 September 1974. Primary record. Open the source

1 Jan 1975

Who answered

On 1 January 1975 a jury convicted John Mitchell, H. R. Haldeman and John Ehrlichman in the cover-up; the appeal court upheld those verdicts. John Dean pleaded guilty. Every step of each case is on its page.

We deal in the instant appeals only with the convictions of Haldeman, Ehrlichman, and Mitchell.
U.S. Court of Appeals for the D.C. Circuit, 1976. Primary record. Open the source