In December 1979 Soviet troops entered Afghanistan. Over the next forty years the country saw the Soviet withdrawal, a Taliban government, and a U.S. war that ended in 2021.
Along the way three claims grew: that the CIA made Osama bin Laden, that Saudi Arabia and the U.S. government funded the Taliban together, and that the U.S. made enemies in order to spend trillions. This story sets out what the sources record, what a named body found, and what is only alleged.
Most lines here come from the 9/11 Commission, State Department records, Human Rights Watch, SIGAR’s reports, and the words of those involved. Where counts differ, it says who counted.
3 Jul 1979
July 1979
Almost six months before the invasion, Washington began a secret program for Afghan fighters. A CIA report of August 1979, printed by the State Department, says the President signed “Findings on Afghanistan” on 3 July. It lists radio and propaganda work, and “cash and nonlethal support,” with the first cash handed to Afghan contacts; State Department historians call it “a modest beginning.” Brzezinski, Carter’s national security adviser, said in a 1998 interview (an English translation of a French text) that he warned Carter that day it would draw in a Soviet intervention. That is his account alone.
Since the signing by the President on 3 July of Specific and General Findings on Afghanistan (attached), CIA has initiated action to implement this policy.
CIA report of 22 August 1979, printed in Foreign Relations of the United States. Primary record. Open the source
25 Dec 1979
Kabul, December 1979
At the end of December Soviet troops took control of Kabul and much of the country, the State Department’s historians write. They call it the only time the Soviet Union invaded a country outside the Eastern Bloc. Why Moscow went is still argued: the National Security Archive, posting a Russian book and Soviet documents in 2012, says the record shows “mission creep,” not a plan to reach warm-water ports.
Contrary to U.S. myths of a strategic Soviet offensive towards warm water ports on the Persian Gulf or Indian Ocean, it was "mission creep" that led the Soviet Union into its ill-fated invasion of Afghanistan in 1979, according to a new, richly documented account
National Security Archive, introducing a Russian book and Soviet documents, 2012. Scholarship & press. Open the source
27 Dec 1979
Through Pakistan
After the invasion Carter approved lethal aid, and Pakistan was the way in. The 9/11 Commission says Pakistan’s military intelligence, the ISI, helped train the rebels and distribute the arms. Human Rights Watch adds that the CIA gave Pakistan wide discretion over where the money went, and says Pakistan favored Islamist parties over nationalist ones.
Two days later President Carter approved a new covert action to send lethal aid to the Afghan Mujahidin insurgents
State Department historians, on 27 December 1979. Primary record. Open the source
1984
Two paymasters
The 9/11 Commission says Saudi Arabia and the United States both paid, through Pakistan. Prince Turki al-Faisal, Saudi Arabia’s former intelligence chief, told Arab News in 2001 that the kingdom gave “financial, military and moral support,” and the paper reported it was on the government’s orders. A National Security Archive essay says the Saudi government deposited many of its contributions into a CIA Swiss bank account. The Commission describes a private channel too, a “Golden Chain” of financiers in Saudi Arabia and the Gulf.
billions of dollarsSecret aid from Saudi Arabia and the U.S. to Afghan rebels, by the 9/11 Commission’s account
Saudi Arabia and the United States supplied billions of dollars worth of secret assistance to rebel groups in Afghanistan fighting the Soviet occupation.
The 9/11 Commission Report: Final Report of the National Commission on Terrorist Attacks Upon the United States, 9-11-commission, 22 Jul 2004. Primary record. Open the source
27 Mar 1985
1985
A White House directive on Afghan policy opens with that line, and tells agencies to “Maintain good working relations with Pakistan,” since there was no other route for supplies. A National Security Archive essay says Congress ultimately provided nearly $3 billion in covert aid, that Representative Charlie Wilson added $50 million in 1984, and that the CIA supplied Stinger missiles in 1986 after pressure from several congressmen and State and Defense officials. Human Rights Watch puts the CIA channel through Pakistan at $2 to 3 billion. Obituaries credit Wilson more; ABC notes that historians dispute how crucial he was.
The Soviet war in Afghanistan is now well into its sixth year.
White House directive of 27 March 1985, declassified 2008. Primary record. Open the source
Aug 1988
Volunteers
Volunteers from around the world went to Afghanistan to fight the Soviets, and the Commission says the largest numbers came from the Middle East. Some were Saudis, and among them was Osama bin Laden, who arrived in 1980. With the cleric Abdullah Azzam he helped create the “Bureau of Services,” which channelled recruits. As the Soviets began to leave in 1988 they set up what they called a base, al Qaeda.
Though he took part in at least one actual battle, he became known chiefly as a person who generously helped fund the anti-Soviet jihad.
9/11 Commission Report, 2004. Primary record. Open the source
1988
Did the CIA deal with him?
A common version says the CIA built or paid bin Laden; the Christian Science Monitor’s obituary of Wilson, for one, says he directed funds to rebels “including Osama Bin Laden,” without a source. A State Department cable of 1998 answers a Taliban aide who made that claim: the U.S. “had never heard his name” then and “did not support him.” The 9/11 Commission found that he and his comrades “received little or no assistance from the United States,” and its endnote adds that CIA officials recall “having little to do with him,” and that Ayman al Zawahiri, later bin Laden’s deputy, wrote that the U.S. financed or trained none of the Arab fighters. One is a CIA officer’s recollection, the other an al Qaeda leader’s memoir; the endnote cites a single interview for the CIA side.
while [bin Laden] may have fought with a resistance group which had received U.S. support, we had never heard his name during that period and did not support him at that time.
U.S. State Department cable of 28 November 1998, as quoted by the National Security Archive. Scholarship & press. Open the source
1993
What is documented
The Commission says bin Laden and the Arab volunteers drew largely on the Golden Chain, private money from Saudi Arabia and the Gulf. It also records links on U.S. soil: al Khifa, an outpost of the Bureau of Services in a Brooklyn mosque, recruited in the United States, and Ali Mohamed, a former Egyptian officer and then a U.S. Army instructor at Fort Bragg, later led al Qaeda’s casing of Nairobi. Those are links to America, not CIA payments. No source here shows CIA money to bin Laden; the record cannot rule out that funds reached commanders he fought beside.
This organization included a financial support network that came to be known as the “Golden Chain,” put together mainly by financiers in Saudi Arabia and the Persian Gulf states.
9/11 Commission Report, 2004. Primary record. Open the source
15 Feb 1989
1989
The last Soviet forces left on 15 February 1989. Counts of the dead differ: RFE/RL gives more than 14,000 Soviet soldiers and hundreds of thousands of Afghan combatants and civilians; a National Security Archive essay says one million deaths; the State Department says millions of lives. In 1998 Brzezinski was asked if he regretted arming “future terrorists.” He called the operation “an excellent idea” that drew the Russians into “the Afghan trap,” and answered with the question quoted here. The interviewer’s side was that Islamic fundamentalism had become a world menace.
What is most important to the history of the world? The Taliban or the collapse of the Soviet empire?
Zbigniew Brzezinski, Le Nouvel Observateur, 1998 (English translation). Scholarship & press. Open the source
Oct 1994
Kandahar, 1994
The mujahideen won, then fought one another. In September 1991 the U.S. and the Soviet Union agreed to stop military aid to both sides from 1 January 1992. In 1994 a new movement, the Taliban, took Kandahar; Human Rights Watch says its nucleus was former mujahidin, that Pakistan, which had favored the commander Hikmatyar, was “searching for a new partner,” and that Pakistan backed the Taliban by October 1994, with Saudi help after. So the 1980s program and the Taliban are linked by people and by Pakistan’s channel; no source here shows U.S. money going to the Taliban.
Although the Taliban became active in late 1994, it did not immediately attract Saudi assistance; the Saudi-Taliban relationship began only after Pakistan adopted the Taliban as proxies.
Human Rights Watch, Crisis of Impunity, 2001. Scholarship & press. Open the source
Sep 1996
Kabul, 1996
In May 1996 bin Laden left Sudan for Jalalabad. In September the Taliban took Jalalabad and then Kabul, and the Commission says he “cemented his ties with them.” It estimates that he gave the Taliban $10 to 20 million a year “in return for safe haven,” while HRW says the Taliban’s main official income was duties on trucks from Pakistan, about $75 million in 1997 from the smuggling trade by a World Bank estimate, and the Commission adds that the drug trade was a source of income for it.
Bin Ladin provided approximately $10–$20 million per year to the Taliban in return for safe haven.
9/11 Commission Report, 2004. Primary record. Open the source
Oct 1996
Pakistan’s part
A U.S. intelligence report of October 1996 says the ISI was supplying the Taliban with munitions, fuel and food. Human Rights Watch, in 2001, listed funding, training, recruiting and supplies, said that under Prime Minister Bhutto support had sat mainly in the interior ministry, and noted that Pakistan’s government denied giving military support and that most of its own interviewees would not be named. The 9/11 Commission says Pakistan’s rulers hoped the Taliban could bring order and give Pakistan “strategic depth” against India. HRW also lists Russia and Iran as backers of the Taliban’s opponents.
is supplying the Taliban forces with munitions, fuel, and food.
U.S. intelligence report of 22 October 1996 on the ISI, as quoted by the National Security Archive. Scholarship & press. Open the source
26 May 1997
Three governments
In May 1997 Pakistan, Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates recognized the Taliban, one a day. No other government did. The 9/11 Commission, drawing on interviews with the diplomats, says U.S. diplomats “did not favor the Taliban over the rival factions” but were willing to “give the Taliban a chance,” while Secretary of State Albright, it says, made no secret of thinking the Taliban “despicable.”
Pakistan was quick to seize the opportunity to recognize the Taliban as the government of Afghanistan, on May 25; Saudi Arabia followed on May 26 and the UAE on May 27.
Human Rights Watch, Crisis of Impunity, 2001. Scholarship & press. Open the source
12 Feb 1998
The pipeline
Unocal and partners planned a gas pipeline from Turkmenistan through Afghanistan to Pakistan. A Unocal vice president was quoted in 1997 on “non-cash bonus payments” to members of the regime; a Taliban delegation visited its Texas offices in late 1997 and, the State Department record shows, met Assistant Secretary Inderfurth on 8 December. At a House hearing in February 1998 an Energy Department official said “we do support the project,” while Unocal’s Maresca said nothing could be built without a recognized government. Unocal’s former pipeline chief says it sought to work with all factions; the Commission says the State Department’s South Asia bureau hoped the project’s profits would draw them to a table, though there was “probably never much chance” of it. Unocal quit the project months after the August 1998 strikes, Mother Jones writes.
I would caution that while we do support the project, the U.S. Government has not at this point recognized any governing regime of the transit country, one of the transit countries, Afghanistan, through which that pipeline would be routed. But we do support the project.
Robert Gee, Assistant Secretary of Energy, to a House subcommittee, 12 February 1998. Primary record. Open the source
Jun 1998
Saudi money
Human Rights Watch finds that Saudi Arabia became the Taliban’s main financial supporter from about July 1996 and was a major one until the 1998 embassy bombings; official aid then reportedly ended under U.S. pressure, and private Saudi money went on. It calls the extent of Saudi help uncertain, and says Western journalists saw what they took to be Saudi aircraft delivering ammunition at Kandahar in 1996.
Prince Turki al-Faisal Saud, head of the Saudi General Intelligence Agency, traveled to Pakistan in July 1996; shortly thereafter Saudi Arabia became the Taliban's main financial supporter.
Human Rights Watch, Crisis of Impunity, 2001. Scholarship & press. Open the source
Jun 1998
The 1998 request
In 1998, the Commission says, CIA director Tenet asked the Saudis for help against bin Laden, and Prince Turki followed up with Mullah Omar that summer, apparently using “a mixture of possible incentives and threats.” Turki says he asked Omar in June to hand bin Laden over and that Omar agreed; HRW, citing a British newspaper, alleges he also pledged money to buy off commanders. In September, the Commission says, Omar refused; Riyadh withdrew its ambassador and suspended relations, though the Taliban’s embassy in Riyadh stayed open until 2001.
20 Aug 1998
August 1998
On 7 August bombs destroyed the U.S. embassies in Nairobi and Dar es Salaam; the Commission says the evidence soon fixed responsibility on bin Laden and his associates. In April, the Commission says, the Taliban told the U.S. ambassador to the UN, Bill Richardson, that bin Laden “was not a threat to the United States.” On 20 August Navy ships fired cruise missiles at camps in Afghanistan; Mullah Omar said two days later the strikes were counterproductive but that he would be open to talks on bin Laden, and the U.S. warned the Taliban it would be held responsible for attacks by his network. The National Security Archive counts 33 U.S. attempts to get the Taliban to hand him over, all failed; Omar denied knowing of evidence that bin Laden had planned attacks from Afghan soil.
The attack on the U.S. embassy in Nairobi destroyed the embassy and killed 12 Americans and 201 others, almost all Kenyans.
9/11 Commission Report, 2004. Primary record. Open the source
14 Apr 1999
The charge
This is where the claim that the U.S. backed the Taliban was made on the record. In April 1999 Representative Dana Rohrabacher told the same Senate hearing he believed the administration kept a covert policy of supporting the Taliban, tied, he said, to pipeline hopes; Assistant Secretary Inderfurth denied any U.S. support, “no arms, no training.”
Nothing could be further from the truth -- no arms, no training, nor any other form of assistance, nor any quiet encouragement.
Karl Inderfurth, Assistant Secretary of State, to the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, April 1999. Scholarship & press. Open the source
14 Apr 1999
Rashid and 1999
Ahmed Rashid said in 2000 that he did not think the Americans gave the Taliban material aid, but that they encouraged Pakistan and Saudi Arabia to back it; the mood in Washington turned, he said, after Kabul fell in 1996 (the transcript runs question and answer together). The Commission adds that two senior State officials suggested asking the Saudis to offer the Taliban $250 million for bin Laden; Clarke objected, and the idea “quietly died.” In July 1999 President Clinton issued an order the Commission describes as “effectively declaring the Taliban regime a state sponsor of terrorism.”
25 Sep 2001
September 2001
On 11 September 2001, the Commission says, 2,973 people died, the largest loss of life on U.S. soil from a hostile attack. Nine days later President Bush said the evidence pointed to al Qaeda, and told the Taliban to hand over its leaders. On 25 September Saudi Arabia cut “all of its relations with the Taliban government,” and the UAE had done so over the weekend, leaving Pakistan as the only state with formal ties. On 7 October, Bush said his demands had not been met, and U.S. strikes began.
They will hand over the terrorists, or they will share in their fate.
President George W. Bush, 20 September 2001. Primary record. Open the source
30 Dec 2009
A cable
In December 2009 the State Department sent a secret request to its diplomats in Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, Qatar, the UAE and Pakistan, signed “CLINTON,” the secretary of state’s name. It says Saudi Arabia “remains a critical financial support base” for al-Qa’ida, the Taliban and others, which “probably raise millions of dollars annually from Saudi sources.” It says Riyadh had made “important progress” against al-Qa’ida’s funding but taken “only limited action” against fundraising for the Taliban. It speaks of donors in Saudi Arabia, not of the Saudi government paying; for what the government did, see 1996 to 1998.
Still, donors in Saudi Arabia constitute the most significant source of funding to Sunni terrorist groups worldwide.
U.S. State Department cable, 30 December 2009, published by WikiLeaks. Primary record. Open the source
29 Feb 2020
Doha, 2020
On 29 February 2020 the United States and the Taliban signed an agreement in Doha. The United States committed to withdraw all its forces within fourteen months; the Taliban committed to stop al Qaeda and others using Afghan soil against the U.S. and its allies. The text describes the Taliban as “not recognized by the United States as a state.”
will not allow any of its members, other individuals or groups, including al-Qa’ida, to use the soil of Afghanistan to threaten the security of the United States and its allies.
The Taliban’s pledge in the Doha agreement, 29 February 2020. Primary record. Open the source
16 Aug 2021
August 2021
On 16 August President Biden said Afghan leaders “gave up and fled the country” and the army “collapsed.” He said he stood by the decision to follow the deal he had inherited. “We spent over a trillion dollars,” he said, and the mission “was never supposed to have been nation building.”
The Afghan military collapsed, sometimes without trying to fight.
President Joe Biden, 16 August 2021. Primary record. Open the source
17 Aug 2021
Where the money went
SIGAR, the inspector general Congress created for the job, counted $145 billion on reconstruction and $837 billion more by the Defense Department on warfighting. It found that private security contractors paid to protect U.S. assets diverted “a substantial percentage” of their awards to insurgents, “making the insurgents in effect unofficial subcontractors,” and that U.S. money “flowed to the insurgency through a web of corruption.” SIGAR attributes this to U.S. misunderstanding of the incentives of “local allies.”
private security contractors who were paid to protect DOD and USAID assets diverted a substantial percentage of their contract awards to insurgents to buy their cooperation—making the insurgents in effect unofficial subcontractors to the U.S. government.
Since August 2021 the U.S. has given more than $2.8 billion in aid. SIGAR asked 144 aid groups what they paid the Taliban-controlled government, and 65 answered; 38 of them reported paying at least $10.9 million in taxes, fees and utilities from August 2021 to May 2023, as a condition of operating. SIGAR says both the Ghani administration and the Taliban-controlled government taxed U.S. aid, and calls the sum likely only a fraction of the total, because UN agencies kept no such data.
$10.9 millionAt least what 38 U.S.-funded aid groups paid the Taliban-controlled government in taxes, fees and utilities, August 2021 to May 2023, by SIGAR’s 2024 count
From August 2021 to May 2023, 38 implementing partners reported paying an estimated $10.9 million to the Taliban-controlled government for continued operations in Afghanistan.
U.S. Funds Benefitting the Taliban-Controlled Government: Implementing Partners Paid at Least $10.9 Million and Were Pressured to Divert Assistance (SIGAR 24-22-AR), Special Inspector General for Afghanistan Reconstruction, May 2024. Primary record. Open the sourceArchived copy
Aug 2021
Was it for the money?
A common version says the U.S. made enemies in order to spend trillions. No source gathered here says that, and none was asked to. They show the order of events: al Qaeda’s attacks, the Taliban’s refusal to hand over its leaders, then war. SIGAR lists the aims as eliminating al-Qaeda, decimating the Taliban that hosted it and denying safe haven; Biden says nation building was never the mission. SIGAR also found that projects “even inadvertently funded insurgents.” Costs of War counts over $2 trillion on Afghanistan, and an estimated $8 trillion on all the post-9/11 wars once veterans’ care is included. Who gained from that spending is a different question, which the story The Cost of War takes up.
over $2 trillionU.S. spending on the war in Afghanistan, 2001 to 2019, by Brown University’s Costs of War project
From 2001 to 2019, the U.S. spent over $2 trillion on the war in Afghanistan.
Costs of War: Economic Costs, budgetary costs of the post-9/11 wars, Brown University, Watson School, Costs of War Project, 2026. Scholarship & press. Open the source